Open letter to:
Rep. Bob Goodlatte,
Chairman US House of Representatives Committee on the
Judiciary
2138 Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515
Subject: Abolishing the Sentencing Commission
Dear Chairman Goodlatte,
I am
sending you this letter by US Postal Service, since I have been unable to find
an email address to more expeditiously contact you. However, I still regard
this as an open letter to the public, and will include it on my blog
(http://arthur-government.blogspot.com) for public viewing on the Internet.
The purpose
of my letter is to ask you to initiate with Congress the abolishment of the
Sentencing Commission.
For those
who will also read this letter, I explain the Sentencing Commission from its
own website (http://www.ussc.gov/About_the_Commission/Overview_of_the_USSC/USSC_Overview.pdf)
as follows:
"The
U.S. Sentencing Commission was created by the Sentencing Reform Act provisions
of the Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1984." I remind my other readers
that a law passed by Congress can also be modified by Congress.
One of the
"Principal purposes [of the Sentencing Commission] is to establish
sentencing policies and practices for the federal courts, including guidelines
to be consulted regarding the appropriate form and severity of punishment for
offenders convicted of federal crimes."
I have
previously obtained a legal opinion concerning how well the Sentencing Commission
is doing its job and how that affects other parts of the federal Justice
System.. Yesterday, I reviewed my source information, on which basis I conclude
that the Sentencing Commission does more harm than good and should be
abolished.
The
Sentencing Commission appears to have a philosophical bias toward reduction of
jail sentences for federal crimes. In attempting to accomplish that goal, the
commission incorrectly uses data.
Much of its
claim for sentence reduction for certain crimes is based upon recidivism data.
The members of the Commission apparently have no experience with field law
enforcement and make obvious errors. For example, the Commission tries to
analogize recidivism rates for specific crimes to a general average.
Experienced field officers immediately know that is an incorrect assumption.
For example, the recidivism rate for murder is inordinately lower than that for
burglary.
Another example
of the inappropriateness of recidivism data involves the possession of sexual
images of children, which is a federal offense. Common practice of child
pornographers is to transmit sexual images involving children on the Internet,
and in some cases collect those files on their computers. However, if a person
has previously been questioned concerning child pornography, the likelihood of
his being arrested for the offense using new evidence is remote. While he may
still engage in the transmission and viewing of sexual pictures involving
children on the Internet, he is usually wise enough to not collect the images
on his computer. However, if he does so, he can almost always scrub the images
from his computer while law enforcement officers are obtaining a search
warrant.
My latest
information source says that because the Sentencing Commission has judged child
pornography to be at a significant low level based upon its recidivism data,,
the Commission is recommending a significant reduction in jail terms for those
persons prosecuted and found guilty. The Commission's representatives are now
trying to "sell" this to federal law enforcement officers and
prosecutors through a 400-page report. 400-page report? What nonsense! If I can
make my point in a few-letter, why would anybody need a 400 page report? Has
the Commission studied under those who prepared the Obamacare bill?
An equally if
not more significant transgression of the Sentencing Commission is modifying
the law as passed by Congress. I'm sure I don't need to remind you that only
Congress has the right to pass laws and modify them. Any attempts at modification
by other entities of the federal government, whether the Administration, as in
modification of the Obamacare law, or by the Sentencing Commission are
unconstitutional. I herewith give examples.
As you know,
whenever Congress passes a law it includes a penalty clause. For example, in
Title 18 Sexual Exploitation of Children, Section 2251, Part e, Congress has
specified a penalty of imprisonment for not less than 15 years nor more than 30
years. In order to get around this specificity, the Sentencing Commission uses
a devious technique.
The Sentencing
Commission issues Sentencing Guidelines. As previously required by Congress,
Federal Judges are required in each case to calculate, according to the formula
of the Sentencing Guideline, a specific imprisonment time for each defendant
found guilty. The Federal Judge may then use the Sentencing Guideline
calculation in his sentencing, or he may deviate, at his option. However, if
the Judge deviates from the Sentencing Guideline, he is required to explain in
great detail the reasons for his deviation. Since Federal Judges generally
handle a great number of cases, they justifiably tend to take the easy way out
and rather than explain any deviation in sentencing, they normally accept the
lower sentencing penalty of the Sentencing Guideline.
The question now
arises as to how the Sentencing Commission establishes a practices of reduced
sentencing within the constraints of the law as passed by Congress. This is
easily accomplished by a devious technique.
If the law requires
an imprisonment penalty of 10 to 20 years, the Sentencing Commission
establishes, by use of faulty recidivism data and other questionable methods, a
Sentencing Guideline of 6 to 10 years. For convenience, the judge chooses 10
years. He may really have felt that the sentences should have been 20 years,
but by taking the 10 year option, he can avoid all the paperwork.
The Sentencing Commission also engages
in another practice which is detrimental to the Justice System, in addition to
routinely establishing Sentencing Guidelines below or at the minimum of the
penalties required by law, the Commission often later comes back with a further
reduced Sentencing Guideline for the same offense. For example, if the law
requires a penalty of 10 to 20 years, and the original Sentencing Guideline was
8 to 12, most offenders got 12 years. In a second pass, the Sentencing
Guideline may be changed to 6 to 10 years, which means that old offenders would
have gotten 12 years for an offense, while new offenders will get only 10 years
for the same offense. This leads to a rash of review cases carried to the
Circuit Courts and overburdens the system for not only the Circuit Court Judges
but also for Prosecutors, who basically must re-prepare cases, which they had
previously closed.
All in all, Chairman Goodlatte, the Sentencing
Commission is not only incorrectly doing its job, but is also causing
inefficiency in the total Justice System is. I sincerely hope you and your
associates will strongly consider legislation to abolish its existence. The
Justice System can adequately work, without any interference by a Sentencing
Commission.
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